Articles

The conviction of former national police commissioner Jackie Selebi raises questions about elite networks and their impact on corruption.

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Rwanda enters its second Presidential election since the brutal genocide that led to the extermination of some 800 000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. The election is scheduled for August 9, 2010.

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In a few days South Africa will host the FIFA World Cup. For many it is a welcome sporting event. It is also anticipated to be something of an economic phenomenon for the country, promoting economic growth and employment, and stimulating much-needed urban and infrastructural development. Yet, mega-events also provide fertile ground for conflict of interest situations to manifest.

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The closing date for registering to participate in one of the biggest energy-related policy processes in South Africa, the national Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) 2, was last Monday 3 May 2010.

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Current debates on ethics in public life often overlook an important area of activity that provides numerous opportunities for unethical conduct by elected and unelected public officials. This concerns the ‘revolving door’, understood as the rapid movement of people between government and the business sector.

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Politicians from across the political divide recently reached a compromise on contentious issues highlighted in the harmonized draft constitution, with the compromise secured after lengthy political negotiations by the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on the Constitution.

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The issue of conflicts of interest in public life is the subject of daily news reports in South Africa. While it is not illegal for politicians and civil servants to own shares, directorships or receive gifts in certain instances, when does it become illegal and lead to corruption?

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South Africa’s land-owning minority class is divided on many issues, but on one point it seems to agree: corrupt government officials are to blame for the country’s dysfunctional land reform programme, not the market. If property prices are too high for land purchases to be affordable for instance, it is not the fault of landowners. Dodgy senior officials hike the prices for personal gain, they argue.

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Endless media accounts of conflicts of interest situations among public officials reveal two broad failures of South Africa’s integrity management system. First, in the unregulated grey zones numerous opportunities for unethical conduct remain. Second, where regulations do exist they are often ineffective.

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One major blight on the last three terms of the ANC-led government is service provision to the rural poor, and in particular the provision of land and the requisite agricultural support. In general, the ANC government’s relationship with rural South Africa has been rather nebulous, and the land question has made this even more starkly so.

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